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| Образовательное учреждение профсоюзов высшего образования «Академия труда и социальных отношений» Кафедра профессиональных иностранных языков Реферат По дисциплине «Иностранный язык» По монографии Simon Anholt «Places. Identity, image and reputation» «Места. Идентичность, имидж и репутация» Выполнила: аспирант кафедры «Экономики и управления в социальной сфере», первого года обучения Брострем Виктория Олеговна Проверила: Матвеева Ирина Владимировна к.п.н., профессор Москва 2015 Contents Summary……………………………………………………………………………..3 The original text………………………………………………………………….......18 Translation…………………………………………………………………………..31 Glossary……………………………………………………………………………..43 References……………………………………………………………………….......48 Summary «PLACES Identity, Image and Reputation» monograph by Simon Arnholtwas published in Great Britain in 2010. In his work author explains what he means by phrase «nation brand», which he coined 14 years before publishing the current monograph and how this idea transformed into the wider concept- Place Branding and Public Diplomacy. The author also introduced his own registered measures such as Anholt Nation Brands IndexTM and Anholt Brands IndexTM to assess the countries’ reputation and the power of its «brand». Author underlines that nations may have 'brands' – in the sense that they have reputations, and those reputations are crucially important to their progress and prosperity in the modern world as brand images are to corporations and their products. But together with this similarity the idea to 'do branding' to the country (or specific region or city) in the same way as companies 'do branding' to their products is both vain and foolish on the author's opinion. Simon Arnholt worked in this field for 15 years and find that there is no correlation between the lavish expenditures on 'nation branding campaigns' and changes for the best in national image; in some cases extremely large sums on advertising and PR-campaigns not only didn't increase the country's brand value and left it stable but even lead to decline of brand value. It would be fascinating to see some evidence that international perceptions of countries really can be influenced by marketing communications techniques, and such proof can be important, far-reaching and frankly rather alarming consequences. Author saw a good deal of research showing that tourism campaigns can persuade people to go on holiday to a certain country and it seems not surprising or controversial about that- everybody knows that product or services can be effectively sold to a target audience using marketing communications. He also saw some researches showing that ‘nation branding’ campaigns are effective in so far as they succeed in creating awareness and even recall amongst certain target audience. If you repeat a slogan frequently enough, people will end up recognizing it, and may even be able to repeat it when asked. Whether it actually has the power to alter their opinions and behavior towards that country is quite another matter. Really, nation branding is the problem, not the solution. It is public opinion which brands countries-in other words, reduces them to the weak, simplistic, outdated, unfair stereotypes that so damage their prospects in a globalized world-and the most countries need to fight against the tendency of international public opinion to brand them, not encourage it. Governments need to help the world understand the real, complex, diverse nature of their people and landscapes, their history and heritage, their products and their recourses, to prevent them from becoming mere brands. The idea of combination of words ‘nation’ and ‘brand’ has so much resonance partly because there is an important truth here: the brand images of places are indeed central to their progress and prosperity. Today the world is one market and due to globalization every country, city or region must compete with every other for its share of the world’s commercial, political, social and cultural transactions. In such an environment, as in the busy marketplace, brand image becomes a critical factor; the necessary short cut to an informed buying decision. Author points that places with a reputation for being poor, uncultured, backward, dangerous or corrupt find that everything they or their citizens try to achieve outside their own neighborhood is harder, and the burden is always on their side to prove that they don’t conform to the national stereotype. Compare the experiences of Swedish and an Italian manager on the international job market, or the struggles of an exporter from Bangladesh with one from Canada. Compare the ease with which a mediocre tourist resort in a highly regarded country can gain glowing media coverage and celebrity endorsement, with the difficulties experiences by an unspoiled and unique destination in a country with a weak or poor reputation. Compare the way consumers in Europe or America will willingly pay more for an unknown ‘Japanese’ product than for the identical ‘Korean’ product that is probably made in the same Chinese factory. Compare how positively the international media will report on an ordinary piece of police from the government of a country reputed to be fair, rich and stable, with the media silence or sharp criticism whichgreets a wise, brave and innovative policy from a country that’s saddled with a negative image. Simon says that nobody doubt that places have their brands, brand images and perception all over the world and that those images are critically important to their success in the many international contests that characterize the modern economy. He emphasizes that the problem starts only when people start talking about ‘branding’ rather than just about ‘brand’. Obviously, it would be much easier for governments if it were possible to brand places. It would significantly reduce the success criteria for their economic and political competitiveness to having big enough marketing and advertising budget and paying it to PR agencies but reality is much more complex; national images are not created through communications, and cannot be altered by communications. Author rises one simple question: why communications work well on products and services, but may fail in promotion of specific region or country? The answer is easy. The communications, slogans and logo don’t work well for products and services or, at least, not in the way they that most observers suppose. Although great advertising, attractive logo, and memorable slogans are strongly associated with powerful commercial brands, they are not the reason why those brands are powerful: brand becomes powerful when the product behind them earns trust and this happens only as a consequence of many sales, leading to many direct customer experiences, and a product fulfills or exceeds its promise. Advertising campaigns generate the sales; they don’t build the brand identity. But cities, regions and countries are not just for sale and advertising campaigns associated with them can only be the empty propaganda: instead of saying ‘please try this product’ they say ‘please, change your mind about this country’, and the message misfires. Author believes that brand management works only in the commercial sphere because the company that owns brand has a high level of control over the product itself and over the channels of communication, and so directly can influence both consumer experience of the product, and the way in which the product is presented to them through the media. A good company having enough understanding of market, having good product and good communication strategy can steadily build a strong brand image it wants and needs and which it’s product deserves-but no more than the product really deserves. Alternatively to that places ate utterly different. It is absolutely impossible to control country or region as corporation controls it’s own product or service. Even small village is infinitely more complex, more diverse and less unified than the largest corporation, because of the different reasons why people are there. Places have no single, unified purpose, unlike the simply creed of shareholder value that binds corporations together. Of course, there have always been heads of state, who try to run their countries like corporations and exercise control over ‘brand’ by controlling the channels of information, but this kinds of control through propaganda can work only within entirely closed societies. Moreover, due to globalization the power of propaganda reduced significantly and it is not an evil so much. Simon points that another reason why cities’ or countries’ image can’t be changed easily is because they are so robust. National image as Nation Brands Image shows is a remarkably stable phenomenon, more a fixed asset then a liquid currency. Mankind needs to feel comfortable and to put all countries’ images in the convenient pigeon-holes and people really abandon them if there is no need to think about most of them frequently. For example, person in Denmark or in Germany or in Indonesia spends a few moments each year thinking about Holland, and it’s not a surprise that their perception of Holland remains unchanged from year to year. Images of other country is truly the part of culture of the certain country, which holds the perception, Holland’s image in Germany is the part of German culture and vice versa. Monograph shows that whilst governments cannot hope to manipulate the perception of millions of people all over the world about their country the can do three important things on the way for the improvement of their countries’ reputation. Firstly, they can scan and monitor their international image especially in the countries and sectors where it matters most to them, in a scrutinized way. The aim is to understand how and where it affects them in those countries and sectors. Secondly, the should collaborate with business and civil society in a imaginatively, openly and effectively way they can agree a national strategy and narrative- where they currently are in these terms, where it is going want and how it is going to be there. Thirdly, governments can ensure that their country maintains stream of innovative and eye-catching products, policies and initiatives in each sector, which keeps it on forefront of the world’s attention and admiration, demonstrates the truth of this narrative and proves the countries’ right to the reputation its people and government desire to acquire. For the majority of nations the need to study, to understand, and to think about ways of influencing their international reputation is no longer a matter of choice: either one takes control over one’s national reputation or one allows it to be controlled by public opinion and public ignorance. The catastrophic consequences of the latter are understood all too well by most African countries. Many governments don’t pay too much attention to the international approval of it’s country, it’s not the aim number one, but when we speak about brand images of places we mean something rather more significant than mere popularity. The only sort of government that can ignore the impact of national reputation is one which has no interest in participating of its country in the global community, and has no desire for its economy, its culture or its citizens to benefit from the rich influences and opportunities that the rest of the world offers to them. In the age of globalization the duty of every responsible government is to recognize that the national reputation is the most valuable asset and the government’s duty is to hand this reparation down to its successors, whatever their political persuasions, in at least in good health as it received it, and to improve it if possible for the benefit of future generations.Moreover, it seems that the world would be much safe and quieter place than it today if governments placed even half the value that most wise corporations have learned to do on their good names. Further the author shows why he introduces a new approach in this field, that the image of places, national reputation it is not about marketing in common sense and why we should abandon the idea that ‘place branding’ or competitive identity is some form of marketing discipline. It’s necessary to mention that intensive promotion of specific fields and sectors like tourism or others among their specific audience may boost tourism sales quickly and effectively, but may have little or no effect on the overall image of the country- and so-called national branding campaigns. Author mentions that during last decade he hears with depressing regularity of national, regional and city governments putting out tenders for ‘branding agencies’, and funding lavish marketing campaigns of one sort or another, all in effort to enhance their national or international images. Still, a rising number of commentators pushes the idea that rather deeds, obvious to public create public perceptions, not words and pictures. “It’s not about the logos and slogans’ is a mantra that has become almost universal, and it is even repeated be branding agencies, whose job just to create those slogans and logos. Presumably, those agencies hope to sell even more profitable strategic advice alongside the graphic design and advertising copy. There also appeared a stream, movement called a ‘diplomacy of deeds’, the term coined by Karen Hughs, former US State Department’s Under-Secretary for Public Diplomacy. The adepts of it tend to believe that efforts paid in specific actions may increase the country’s reputation rather than advertising campaigns using marketing tools. Further author explains why none of those approaches in not effective and how to reconcile the pure ‘marketing’ approach with the ‘actions not words’ policy or similar to that. He says that ‘place branding’ is not the complex of marketing initiatives by itself especially marketing communication, but rather the professional policy towards improvement the reputation of the certain place or competitive identity of the nation. Simon advances five main ideas within place branding or competitive identity: 1. Places must engage with the outside world in a clear, coordinated and communicative way if they are not to influence public opinion. Robust and productive coalition between government, business and civil society, as well as the creation of new institutions and structures to achieve and maintain this behavior, is necessary for achieving this harmonization of goals, themes, communications and behavior in the long terms. 2. The notion of brand image is critical: reputation understood as an external, even cultural phenomenon which is not under the direct control of the ‘owner’ of the brand but which nonetheless is a critical factor that underpins every transaction between the brand and its consumers. 3. The notion of brand equity is critical: the idea that reputation is a hugely valuable asset that needs to be managed, measured, protected, leveraged and nurtured over the long term. 4. The notion of brand purpose is critical: the idea that uniting groups of people around a common strategic vision can create a powerful dynamic for progress, and that brand management is first and foremost an internal project. 5. The importance of sustained and coherent innovation in all sectors of national activity if public opinion is to be influenced: international public opinion, and in consequence the media, is far more interested in new things that suggest a clear and attractive pattern of development and ability within the country or city, than in rehearsal of past glories. Author is sure that together these ideas represent a genuinely new approach to the way in which places need to be managed in the age of globalization, and in the coining of a new term to describe this approach appears justified. The next issue is why lot of counties suffers from poor reputation despite their good policies if the ‘place branding’ is not about the marketing communication? Simon explains that the policies alone, even if effectively implemented, ate not sufficient to persuade the foreign publics to part from their existing prejudices and perceptions, which in the case of national images may prove exceptionally resilient to change. Substance must be coupled with strategy and frequent symbolic actions if it is to result in enhanced reputation. Strategy, in its simplest terms, is knowing who is nation is, where it stands today (both in reality and in internal and external terms); knowing where it wants to go and how it is going to get there. There are two main difficulties associated with strategy development: reconciling the needs and desires of a wide range of different actors in the country into a more or less single direction and finding a strategic goal which is both inspiring and feasible, since these two requirements are frequently contradictory. Substance is an effective execution of that strategy in the form of new economic, legal, political, social, cultural and educational activity: the real innovations, structures, legislation, reforms, investments, institutions and policies which bring to the desired improvements. Symbolic actions are a particular species of substance that happen to have an intrinsic communication power. They might be innovations, investments, legislation, reforms, policies and institutions which are specially suggestive, remarkable, memorable, newsworthy, picturesque, poetic, noticeable, touching, surprising, dramatic etc. Moreover, those actions should go alongside with the strategic movement and be the symbols of it and a component of national glory and means of telling it. For example, Spanish recognition of single-sex marriages in order to demonstrate it tolerance and modernization of its point diametrically opposed to a Franco period or Estonian’s access to a human rights or Netherlands hosting of European Court of Human rights in order to cement the country’s reputation as a global bastion of the rule of the law or construction of Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao or the Sydney Opera House – all of that may have a symbolic value for its city and country well beyond its economic footprint’.Also places with now chance to being selected to host major sport or cultural events are often observed to bid for them, apparently just in order to communicate the fact that the country is internationally engaged, ambitious and proud about their achievements. Author underlines that these symbolic actions achieve not lasting effect especially when they are single and seldom. Country should present to the world multiple actions, which emanate from as many different sectors as possible in order to build a rounded and believable image for the place. Actions should not me empty and in this case rather substance than pure communication is crucial. And the last issue is that they should continue in an unbroken succession for many years. It may be compared to a bathtub with the plug pulled out- the water constantly goes away from it and to get the some water level it is necessary to pour water in with some speed; as soon as a specific action is completed its effect on public opinion starts to decay and country needs to present a new one in order ‘to keep bathtub‘filling. The core concept of monograph is the ‘three-legged stool’, which consists from strategy plus substance plus symbolic actions; an approach that cannot be stand unless all three components are met. Simon briefly considers different ‘two-legged’ combinations showing their irrelevancy to the improvement of competitive identity in the global world. Strategy + Substance- Symbolic actions = Anonymity Countries with good strategy and substance while implementing it without symbolic actions still run the risk of remaining anonymous and unable to change the long-standing clichés of their international reputation, because strategies and substance to a majority of people seem boring and sometimes non-understandable. Without symbolic actions these countries remain trapped inside a weak or distorted brand image for generations and consequently fail to attract the consumers, talent, media attention, tourists and investors. Substance – Strategy +Symbolic actions = Incoherence Substance without clear strategy may lead a country to localized economic or social benefits, but it unable to build country’s image or influence on it in any substantial way. Even Symbolic actions without underlying strategy make the messages fragmented and non-creating the useful story of nation’s progress. Strategy-Substance-Symbolic actions =Spin Strategy without substance is spin and it is always the frequent predicament of weak governments that make many plans but lack the will power, the resources, the influence and the public support to carry them to fruition. Strategy – Substance +Symbolic actions = Propaganda Strategy, which is accompanied by symbolic actions but has no real substance, is worse still. It just propaganda, a manipulation with the public opinion designed to make people believe something different from reality. In modern world propaganda becomes more and more impossible as no message remains unchallenged. Pure propaganda may even destruct nation’s image for generations. Symbolic actions- Substance- Strategy = Failure Those governments who focus primarily on symbolic actions and fail to provide either strategy or real substance soon be recognized as lightweights. The behavior of ‘playing to the gallery’s even worse than pure propaganda as it commits more public resources to the task of creating a certain impression than the messages do. Author also points on the fact that governments sometimes have difficulty understanding is that the size; ambition or cost of initiatives may not be proportional to their symbolic value. Very large buildings with simply communication wealth and hubris have less communication power over the popular imagination than very small ones which happen to tell a story, like mannekin piss in Brussels, which was spontaneously mentioned in media 20 times more than gigantic headquarters of European Commission. Sometimes one patient deprived from of hospital bed briefly generates more media coverage than the Labour government’s injection of many billions of pounds into the National Health Service. Some symbolic action such as removal of Stalin’s body from Mausoleum in Red Square, Mahathma Ghandi sitting cross-legged at his weaving room, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlein waving his truce with Hitler are powerful ‘brands’ by itself as all of them has huge power to the highly significant or critical circumstances in which they occur. Almost any word or gesture can become significant if it is delivered by an important person in a moment of crisis, and this is an important distinction to make when we are speaking of competitive identity, because the task in hand is usually quite different: the challenge in competitive identity is often to attract the attention of an indifferent public, to create a sense of momentousness when in fact most people are convinced that nothing of interest is going on. Simon explains also the point of trust and how it may be earned to improve the image and ‘brand’ of the country, region or even group of people. Trust is formed by many satisfied purchasers or consumers who create the cloud’ of trust around the offering. The trust comes only from experience about the offering, but together with this concept in the modern world due to intensive communication the experience of many satisfied consumers or the ‘cloud’ of trust created trustworthiness among others who didn’texperience the offer in themselves. No doubt that trust is the crucial part of brand, making smaller the gap between the producer towards consumer especially for non-locally produced products. Groups of people are subject to the branding effect based especially on trust. Just as with corporation or a country, the brand image of the group to which one is perceived to belong will help one to ‘trade at a premium if it is a positive image, and oblige one to ‘trade at a premium’ if it is a positive image, and oblige one to ‘trade at a discount’ if it is negative. Even outlawed organizations depend on cloud of trust as well as the cloud of appeal in order to attract a new members and support for their causes; brand management is consequently just as important to an organization like Al Qaeda as it is to corporation like Apple. Broadcasting trust and appeal is the lifeblood of such organizations, which depend entirely on ling-distance effects created through formal and informal networks of associates, since person-to-person ‘selling’ from the core of the organization itself directly to its ‘consumer base’ is only available in very limited forms. What Al Qaeda has been able to achieve over the last eight or nine years must surely rank as one of the most effective brand-building campaigns in history. The extraordinary global branding effect achieved by a small, heavily constrained, initially unknown and relatively under-resourced body deserves examination. It seems as if Al Qaeda has deliberately sought to harness the branding power of nations and populations much larger and more influential than itself, and pit them against each other. Al Qaeda is not merely the organization that depends on its own brand to magnify its importance, attract recruits and gain attention; it also use other ‘brands’ of other players such as 9/11 attacks to achieve the aims. The next bright example of nation ‘brand’ power is Iran. When Iran was included as a ‘guest nation’ in the 4th Quarter of the 2006 Nation Brands Index some of the extent of this collateral image was revealed. Iran’s scores were the lowest overall on every dimension. It ranked 35th from 38 countries measured. That one of the oldest and most continuous civilizations, representing six millennia of culture and learning can today be ranked virtually at the bottom of the world’s leading nations for its cultural and historical heritage, even lower countries whose civilizations are mere centuries old must surely give pause for thought. The power of political and ideological discord to wipe millennia of achievement from the memory of humanity in a matter of decades is a terrifying power indeed. Author is often contacted by the governments of counties who announce that- apparently – they gave so appalling image, and could I do something to fix it? He answers with another question: Might it be because you are an appalling country? The governments are often unhappy with this response. Many countries, obviously want to move out of the margins and into a mainstream of global opinion. In addressing this challenge, it’s always worth asking why the country isn’t already in the mainstream – or, to put it brutally ‘íf you are do wonderful, how come you are not famous?’ Harsh reality is that, barring their close neighbors, most people in the world occasionally think about, claim to know about and generally admire a maximum of 14-15 countries apart from their own and these are all major, industrialized democracies in Western Europe and the English-speaking world, plus Japan and Brazil. Most of the other countries that are well-known, but not admired: they are famous, because they are trouble-spot, such as Iraq, North Korea or Zimbabwe or because they indisputably very important, but not universally loved like Russia, US, China or India. The remaining 160 countries on the planet largely mind their own business and are consequently ignored by everyone who isn’t actively thinking about emigration or going for holidays there. They are all marginal with not to many contacts all over the world, either the country wasn’t independent for a long period or either it’s population is small. Mane of them just trade with the rest of the world with raw materials, in business-to-business area, and well below the radar of most ordinary people and the media. Those countries produce few famous people and in global world human story is the most interesting aspect rather than buildings, companies and products. They are also cursed as well as blessed by their humility. National sayings and mentality prevent from being better than others from distinguishing individuals from majority. Some nations are just low-profile players in high-profile regions. Mane of those 160 have never done anything about increasing their countries’ images. And due to the fact that most of them don’t suffer from some catastrophic events that may appear on media headlines, they seem boring and invisible. And it is possible to one of those invisible countries once appear into the sunny uplands of the 30 visible countries as lots of them has really interesting history, landscapes, culture, traditions, etc., but to do this is a very difficult task that cannot be overestimated. Simon also presents some sketches of National Image and Identity concerning Kenya, Pakistan, Israel, America, Albania, Asia, China, Italy, Denmark, Latvia, Switzerland. There is also an interesting information How Muslims view the world in terms of NBITM . It is clear that the strongest ‘brand’ in Muslims eyes has USA, the lowest- Russia, India, Latin America and other Muslim countries. But if we have a look at next table : How the world views America we discover that Asia gives to America the highest point, Russia gives twice less points and Europe gives the lowest assessment. That supports the authors idea that country should make an expertise in what parts of the world it desires to improve it’s country competitiveness as it’s image may vary from region to region hugely. Finally author concludes that there are many strong economic and political arguments for the importance of acknowledging, understanding, monitoring and, perhaps, influencing the images of places: as he summarized point in Competitive Identity, if country has a good image, everything is easy; if it has a bad or weak reputation, everything is twice as hard and costs twice as much. But, believes the author, there is a more fundamental reason for the importance of the subject. The identity and image of the places we inhabit are really a seamless extension of the identity and image of ourselves: it is a natural human tendency for people to identify themselves with their city, region and the country. Our sense of self isn’t bounded by our own bodies: it extends into family, neighborhood, district, region, nation, continent and ultimately to the human race. National prestige directly benefits personal prestige; national shame cripples personal progress; personal identity is inextricably bound up with sense of belonging (both where you come from and where you choose to live if they are different). The search for the a more competitive identity of nation can ultimately benefit a society beyond its functional usefulness as a means for attracting talents, investments, tourists, respect and adding a premium to exported goods and services. By providing a link between personal achievements and national reputation, these projects give populations an additional incentive for exercising their ambition, imagination, entrepreneurial spirit and hard work. Simon says that if we can introduce a new formula that links personal effort to a wider international recognition for the country then our work is a double worthwhile. It used to be a commonplace of state propaganda to speak of people’s ‘patriotic duty’ to work hard and to become more productive for the benefit of society at large. Perhaps this aspect of the competitive identity project is nothing more than a twenty-first century interpretation of the ‘patriotic duty’, where the rewards are no longer a matter of winning a war or rebuilding a battered economy: today, we speak of a better image and consequently a premium positioning for products, people, culture, service, destinations and ideas. Author ends up with the hope that this process can not only build a country’s reputation by connecting the genius of its people to the needs of the global marketplace and global society, but also by creating a meaningful link between private enterprise and the common good.              |
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