Плеханова Фонд «Альтернативы»
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Коммунитарное государство в политике Альваро Урибе: пропагандистский лозунг или новая форма демократии? После вступления Альваро Урибе на пост президента Колумбии был разработан и принят «Национальный план развития на 2003-2006 гг.»iii, конечной целью которого провозглашалось построение коммунитарного государства. Этот термин будущий президент впервые употребил ещё в своей предвыборной программе «100 пунктов», не раскрывая, однако, его содержания подробно. Из программы следует лишь, что коммунитарное государство предполагает дебюрократизацию, в частности, сокращение аппарата, и большее участие граждан в определении публичных целей, их достижении и контролеiv. Аналогичное определение этому понятию даётся и в Национальном плане развития на 2006-2010 гг.: «коммунитарное государство – это участие граждан в принятии решений по публичным вопросам, их исполнении и контроле»v. Цель данного доклада – определить сущность коммунитарного государства, как оно понимается в Колумбии, и основное содержание политики, проводившейся правительством президента А. Урибе для его построения. Идейные корни современного колумбийского коммунитаризма можно искать в работах А. Этциони, Макинтайра и др. философов-коммунитаристов или в более близком территориально, хотя и удалённом хронологически источнике – у франко-аргентинского мыслителя прошлого века Ж. Майо. Но эта тема заслуживает самостоятельного исследования, а здесь мы ограничимся рассмотрением практической реализации данной концепции в Колумбии. Использование прилагательного «коммунитарное» показывает, что полем, на котором реализуется гражданское участие, должна быть община, а средством реализации – различные общинные институты и практики. Такой выбор представляется естественным для Колумбии, т. к. общинные структуры здесь достаточно сильны для того, чтобы стать опорой правительства. Их сохранение и развитие связано как с общей слабостью государственного аппарата, обычной для многих латиноамериканских стран, так и с особенностями новейшей истории Колумбии. Вследствие затяжного вооружённого конфликта значительные части территории надолго оказались вне действия государственных институтов, и их население, живя в условиях вынужденной автономии, сумело выстроить эффективную систему общинного самоуправления. При этом общинные структуры не только сохраняются, но и постоянно воспроизводятся и развиваются – например, они возникают в зонах стихийной урбанизации, окружающих крупные города. Политика выстраивания диалога власти и общества в Колумбии именно на уровне общин не является «изобретением» А. Урибе – серьёзные шаги в этом направлении предпринимались и его предшественниками. Одним из этапов этого диалога было существование в 1994-1998 гг. кооперативов охраны и безопасности («КОНВИВИР») – по сути, народной милиции, взявшей на себя защиту населения от нападений незаконных вооружённых формирований и содействие армии и спецслужбам в антипартизанской войне. Активно поддерживал «КОНВИВИР» тогдашний губернатор департамента Антиокия Альваро Урибе. Таким образом, коммунитаризм А. Урибе явился продолжением и развитием политики, проводимой правящими кругами Колумбии с конца ХХ в. в рамках взятого ими курса на демократизацию политической жизни страны. Суть этой политики состоит в том, что государство, осознавая недостаток имеющихся в его распоряжении сил, сознательно ограничивает сферу своего контроля и ответственности, и руководствуясь принципом субсидиарности, выстраивает взаимоотношения с локальными сообществами таким образом, чтобы ими выполнялось максимально возможное количество публичных функций. Государство, в свою очередь оставляет за собой роль арбитра и модератора, оказывая общинам поддержку по мере необходимости. Причём здесь не идёт речь о «перекладывании бремени ответственности» на плечи гражданского общества, так как в колумбийском случае общины уже фактически выполняют эти функции, и власти просто признают и узаконивают сложившийся статус-кво. Итак, коммунитарное государство представляет собой своеобразный вариант демократического режима, опирающегося на социум, хорошо структурированный на низовом уровне, с развитой системой горизонтальных связей между индивидами. Первичными «кирпичиками», из которых строится политическое целое, являются давно и устойчиво существующие локальные общины. Эта политическая конструкция сложилась в Колумбии исторически, президент Урибе лишь дал ей определённую форму и название. При его преемнике Сантосе словосочетание «коммунитарное государство» перестало употребляться в официальных документах. Но это не означает смену курса – во внутренней политике в целом, и в государственном строительстве в частности, нынешний президент Колумбии показал себя продолжателем своего предшественника. Так что развитие коммунитарного государства в Колумбии продолжается, хотя и без использования самого термина. А.Д. Майданский Белгородский государственный университет amaid@rambler.ru Государство и цифровая революция (эпитафия прямой демократии) Как только пролетариат расправится с буржуазией, государство сразу же начинает отмирать, за полной ненадобностью, предрекали отцы «научного коммунизма». Управленческие функции государства перейдут к трудящимся, а политические испарятся как дым. Богатый на эксперименты XX век не явил миру и одного успешного опыта прямого, негосударственного народовластия. Революционным (пост)марксистам приходится выискивать «абсолютную демократию» с микроскопом, где-нибудь «в рабочих кварталах Милана 70-х годов» (Антонио Негри). Не государственная Машина, а Человек, реальные личности должны планировать и регулировать свои человеческие отношения. Для коммуниста-марксиста это – элементарная аксиома. Вопрос в том, чтó для этого требуется? Нужно лишь научиться, отвечал Ленин. «Учиться коммунизму» не только за школьной партой, но прежде всего практически. Массы людей должны непосредственно, напрямую участвовать в управлении общественными делами. Педагогическая затея Ленина провалилась. Сталинизм лишь засвидетельствовал постфактум ее полный крах. Не только из-за того, что косные массы не умели или не желали учиться. И даже не потому, что демократия масс, как показал еще Платон, неминуемо кончается тиранией демагога. Современным обществом попросту невозможно управлять вручную, как утюгом или велосипедом. Для эффективного управления требуются все более сложные машины и технологии. Разве можно «убить дракона», втянув в государственные дела всё население? Даже если, зажмурив ум, допустить, что каждая кухарка научилась управлять государством... Управляема ли эта машина вообще? Попытки коммунистов рулить рынком и государством по своему хотению, по ленинскому велению кончались всегда плачевно. Пока существует государственная машина, Человек обречен оставаться ее шестеренкой и винтиком, гражданином машины. Единственная сила, способная сегодня ей противостоять, – это другая машина, рыночная. Нельзя просто взять и заменить Машину Человеком – ни в промышленности, ни в сфере управления общественной жизнью. Человек не в состоянии выполнять функции машины, да и незачем ему это делать. Общественное самоуправление в глобальном масштабе возможно не иначе, как с помощью машины. Вопрос лишь в том, какая конкретно деятельность при этом остается за Человеком, а какую можно и нужно передать Машине. Попытки же Человека, отобрав у Машины власть, выполнять самолично, своими руками и головой все до единой функции Машины («прямая демократия» Ленина и Маркса), не могут кончиться добром. С машинами рынка и государства Человеку предстоит проделать то же самое, что он уже сегодня проделывает с машинами на автоматизированных фабриках. Все человеческие, программные функции государства взять на себя, а механические – передать программируемым машинам. Для этого нужно построить Машину, начисто лишенную творческих сил, способную действовать лишь по готовой, написанной человеком программе. А потом совершенствовать ее до тех пор, пока ЭВМ не вытеснит из общественного бытия человекообразные машины рынка и государства. Вытеснит не толчком извне, как сумоист своего противника, а пронизав рынок и государство изнутри – оцифровав их с головы до пят. Те могут отмирать не иначе, как в процессе бинаризации, информатизации, виртуализации их властных структур. Б.В. Марков Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет. bmarkov@mail.ru Демократия и насилие. Власть, достигнутая благодаря игре сил, является временной, к тому же рождающей страх утраты. Ее признание прочно, если оно не ситуативно, а соответствует принципам этики и права. Конечно, и в этом случае необходимо принуждение. Отдельные индивиды не всегда соблюдают законы, да и народ в целом не всегда соглашается с конституционным определением высшего блага и цели. Конституция определяет фундаментальную организацию государства и решает вопрос, в чем собственно заключается порядок. Ее существо состоит в определении, какой порядок является нормальным, в чем состоит интерес общества. Разные партии отвечают на эти вопросы по-разному, но если бы каждый действовал самостоятельно, то это была бы анархия, а не государство. Понятие порядка не сводится к административному или полицейскому надзору, который вводится во время чрезвычайного положения. Естественным основанием порядка является солидарное единство людей – народ, составляющий общество. Возможно, из него и проистекает понятие справедливости. Существующий порядок может критиковаться с точки зрения традиций или высших ценностей. Однако любое посягательство на конституцию будь-то со стороны частных лиц, партий, церкви, бизнеса или интеллектуалов, включая президента, расценивается как нарушение порядка. Но как же тогда происходит развитие общества: путем поправок к конституции или революционного изменения? Если речь идет о "правом деле" кажется разумным отказаться от крючкотворства. Но это может быть как пролетарская диктатура, так и «суверенная демократия», которая выступает как средство достижения высших целей. Для нее ключевым оказывается понятие учреждающего действия. Право выступает не как нечто незыблемое – естественное или заповеданное Богом, а как социальная конструкция. Естественное право не видит никаких проблем в использовании насилия для достижения справедливых целей. В рамках положительного права насилие расценивается с точки зрения не целей, а средств. Отсюда главным становится не справедливость, а законность. Выход из этого тупика осуществляется путем разделения критериев законности и справедливости. Позитивное право слепо в отношении безусловности целей, а естественное – в отношении законности средств. Поэтому теория позитивного права является приемлемой при оценке разных видов насилия независимо от случаев его применения. Она различает между исторически признанным и не санкционированным насилием. Однако для различия между необходимым и неоправданным насилием нет четких критериев. Юристы различают правоустанавливающее и правоподдерживающее насилие. Если право понимать как основу порядка, необходимого для мирного существования, то для его сохранения допустимо и насилие. Существование полиции, по сути, означает, что государство не может достигнуть своих целей посредством права. Если в монархии ее существование кажется естественным, то при демократии ее действия часто вызывают возмущение. Нельзя ли снять противоречие интересов, не опираясь на насилие? Кроме принципа совести можно вспомнить о развитом чувстве стыда в примитивных общностях или о чести в сословном обществе. Ненасильственное урегулированию конфликтов не может опираться на правовые договоры, так как их исполнение тоже приводит к применению насилия. Без насилия право перестает существовать. Как известно, парламент был продуктом революционного насилия. Сегодняшние демократы уже не понимают смысла правоустанавливающего насилия и надеются на достижение компромисса, который чаще всего имеет вынужденный характер. Парламент, таким образом, не является ненасильственной формой снятия конфликтов, так как он опирается на право, в основе которого лежит насилие. Насильственные средства стоят в непримиримом отношении к справедливым целям. Возможны ли оправданные средства для достижения справедливых целей? Но кто решает вопрос об оправданности средств и справедливости целей? Сорель отклоняет любые правовые ограничения революционного движения. Революция – это ясный простой бунт. Правоустановление – это акт непосредственной манифестации насилия. Это священное насилие учреждающего действия, оно является гарантией власти. Что же кладет предел правоустанавливающему насилию? Беньямин, не без влияния Сореля и Савенкова предложил концепцию «священного насилия», которое является уничтожащим, искупительным в отношении собственности и других благ, но не в отношении другого. Что касается опасности его допущения, то оно ограничено заповедью "Не убий". Это не закон и не угроза наказания. Она не мера приговора, а руководство к действию, обращенное к индивиду. И каждый, кто ее переступает, берет ответственность на себя. Savas Michael-Matsas savvasmatsas@gmail.com The rise of Fascism in Greece and in Europe 1. Has bourgeois parliamentary democracy a future in today's Greece and Europe amidst the worst systemic crisis in the history of world capitalism? The picture presented by recent empirical and electoral data is rather bleak. As the entire European Union is shaken by the recession , mass unemployment and an insoluble debt crisis, while the Euro zone faces the threat of collapse, it was manifested , in the wake of a rise of xenophobia and racists attacks mainly against immigrants, Muslim communities and Roma, a rise of the far right parties , winning double digit electoral results in Central and Northern Europe, (Hungary, Austria, Netherlands, Belgium, Finland, Britain). In France Marine Le Pen's National Front had recently some spectacular victories in local by-elections, preparing an even far more important one in the coming European Elections in May 2014. In Norway, despite the mass crimes of Anders Behring Breivik, an avowed fascist, admirer of the Greek Nazi party “Golden Dawn”, of the British EDL, and of the US Tea Party among others, despite the bombing of government buildings in Oslo, resulting in eight deaths, and then the mass shooting at a camp of the Workers Youth league of the Labor Party, where he killed 69 people, mostly teenagers, the far right Progress Party, whose member used to be Breivik, is now instrumental to sustain in power the newly formed right wing government. In Greece, the “Golden Dawn”,an openly Nazi party of admirers of Hitler, viciously anti-Semitic, and xenophobic, acting as a criminal gang with numerous murderous attacks against immigrants and leftists in its record, has risen from obscurity , entered in parliament in 2012, and still, despite a setback after the murder of the left wing musician Pavlos Fyssas and the crackdown reluctantly made by the government, it keeps to the position of the third party in the polls. There are, obviously, national peculiarities and important differences, political, social, of relative strength etc. between the declared Nazis with a certain mass influence, mostly in Greece and in Hungary, and other far right formations and parties in other parts of Europe. But despite these differences, it will be sheer blindness to not recognize the dangers from a general tendency towards far right populism and/or fascism in today's conditions of crisis and polarization. This apparent return in the 21st century of the darkest forces from the past of the European History in the 20th century is definitely not a marginal, passing epiphenomenon of the current world capitalist crisis. The coming back of forces of barbarism that humanity already had experienced paying a gigantic price in the last century, has deep systemic roots: it is driven by world contradictions that had exploded in 2007, without showing any sign of resolution now, starting the 7th year of a non-stop global crisis. 2. The “Old Continent”, Europe, the cradle of world capitalism is actually the most severely hit by the global crisis whose center was and remains in the United States. The implosion of finance capital globalization, starting with the collapse of the US sub-prime mortgage market in 2007 and the global financial meltdown following the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 had an immediate impact in the over-exposed to toxic derivatives European banking system. The massive intervention by central banks and governments to save the banks, after the Lehman Brothers shock, produced the vicious cycle between banking crisis and sovereign debt crisis, starting from Greece expanding in the Southern Europe EU, including the third and fourth more powerful EU economies, Italy and Spain, and threatening the “hard core” countries, France, and even hegemonic Germany. It became soon clear that the entire EU project as well as the monetary unification based on the euro is in jeopardy. All the accumulated unbalances and contradictions between core and periphery, between North and South, all the antagonisms between and within national States were enormously sharpened by the crisis making impossible even a common effort of management of the crisis. The ruling classes of Europe proved again historically unable to overcome the contradiction between an internationalized economy and the fetters of the national borders, and unify “peacefully” the Continent, as the EU myth pretended to achieve, particularly after the implosion of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the “actually existing Socialism”. The unification project around the German-French axis, the Maastricht Treaty, and the launching of the euro was the answer to the challenge for a EU ascent in the struggle for world hegemony in the chaotic post-Cold War world. This grandiose scheme is falling apart,and all the old nationalistic vampires of the past are coming out, more hopeless than ever as capitalist globalization has already produced an insoluble international interconnectedness of all aspects of social economic life, being both an actual curse and a potential blessing. The collapsing EU edifice threatens to bury all the European peoples under its ruins. The “contagion” of the capitalist bankruptcy from |Greece in 2009-10 to all the periphery of Europe and beyond in the following years is the definitive proof of this interconnectedness, and the dead end of all nationalistic responses and projects against the social catastrophe. The post 2008 Great Recession , exacerbated by the introduction of draconian “austerity” measures by the troika of EU Commission, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, has never ended. It created millions of jobless, homeless, pauperized masses all, over the Continent, never seen before, in the decades after the 1930s and the Second World War. In Greece, the protagonist of the EU crisis up to now and a warning for what has to come to other European countries in the future, depression and unemployment has reached dimensions superseding those of the 1930s' Great Depression in the US. Social conditions are disastrous and very similar to the Great Depression, when Fascism, Nazism and all kinds of dictatorships came to power in most of Europe leading, finally to the horrors of World War II, Auschwitz, and Hiroshima. But great historical changes have occurred the last 70 years to not be overlooked. First of all, in the 1930s, when economic and political nationalism, in one form or another, dominated an disastrously failed to find a sustainable way out other than a devastating war, the global ties of the national economies, well established already from the earlier period of the imperialist epoch, were far less developed than today after the protracted post war period of the Keynesian “Golden Thirty Years” and another thirty years of finance capital globalization that followed the exhaustion and collapse of the post war Keynesian Bretton Woods Settlement in 1971 up to the implosion of the finance globalization itself after 2007. Second, both economic strategies developed by capitalism to face its historical decline and crises in the imperialist epoch, Keynesianism and neoliberalism have both failed historically, the first in1971, the second in 2007. Third, and extremely important, the international and European working class has not yet experienced the stream of crashing defeats of the 1920s and 1930s, culminating to Hitler's triumph in 1933. The potential of social resistance to the plans of capital to make the masses to pay of its crisis has not yet been destroyed. It is demonstrated by the powerful social struggles in Greece, Portugal, Spain, the movements of the Indignados and of Occupy Wall Street, by the eruption of the popular volcano in Tunisia and Egypt named “Arab Spring”, the mass youth and popular revolts from Turkey to Brazil and South Africa. The rise of fascist threats is, among other things, a sign that the ruling bourgeois class cannot any more rule in the old way, through the traditional parliamentary means and by alternating its parties in government,and “those from below”, the workers and popular masses that have called to pay for the crisis of the rulers cannot afford any more to be ruled in this horrible way. Regime crises,in one form or another, appear- Greece and Italy far for being the exclusive examples. From one country a “State of Emergency” is called by the ruling class, canceling important parts of its own constitutional - legal order without formally abolishing this order, with the parliament reduced to rubber stamp decisions already taken elsewhere, using more and more repressive forces and new repressive laws, restricting more and more the political and social rights of the workers, of all exploited and oppressed. Already at the beginning of the 21st century, after the landmark of the 9/11 attacks and the launching of a permanent global “war on terror”, it became manifest the building up of this State of Emergency with its concentration camps like Guantanamo and its torture centers like Abu Ghraib, the terror legislation, the rise of State authoritarianism and generalized high tech spying. Wikileaks, the Snowden affair, and the generalized international outcry in our days reveal a process, which was going on for times immemorial but it was vastly expanded with the information technology that developed to sustain finance globalization . It was accelerated as the globalized contradictions of capital were sharpening, and it was generalized as they started to explode in the first decade of the new century. Islamophobia and racism were developing long ago and became more and more violent, even hysterical, in the period that preceded immediately the current world crisis - to become now a main political weapon at the hands of the rulers of the capitalist world to re-stabilize their shaken power, imposing their authoritarian State of Emergency over all the population, regardless of its origin, if it is immigrant or no, of its religion, sexual orientation etc. The new 'Other', particularly the non West European or non WASP immigrant becomes the Number 1 target, the scapegoat for all social ills, the Jew of today, although anti-Semitism, the matrix of every racism never has disappeared. There is a historical structural reason that anti-immigrant racism occupies a central position . Previous mass immigration waves, in the 19th century or after the 2nd World war, were connected with industrial expansion in the metropolitan countries of colonialism and imperialism. The last three decades of capitalist globalization were connected with a falling rate of profit in a stagnating productive sphere, dis-industrialization and a monstrous finance capital expansion on a planetary scale. Imperialism, wars, and finance globalization devastated the populations in the so called “Third World” provoking a real Exodus towards the metropolitan countries. The latter use the immigrants as cheap material for over-exploitation under strictly controlled conditions of entry in a shrinking labor market and mass unemployment. They impose draconian measures of “immigrant control”, building a “Fortress America” or a “Fortress Europe”. The symbol of this “Fortress Europe” could be Lampeduza, the Italian island -tomb of thousands of desperate immigrants, a monument of contemporary barbarism for European imperialism, which never abandoned the racism and criminality of its colonialist record. This traditional racism of the colonialist masters is used by turning their local, European slaves against their brothers and sisters, the ex-colonial or neo-colonial slaves, to subjugate both to the needs of their bankrupt system. Racism against immigrants and against all minorities becomes the most obvious symptom of the death agony of “Western democracy”. 3. In the so called “heights” of the capitalist society, not in obscure, Mafia style fascist gangs, the ruling elites, their “think tanks” and the mainstream media openly now treat democracy as a superfluous and dangerous obstacle to resolve the economic crisis. They themselves cynically refute in practice and discredit their own central ideological weaponry, bourgeois parliamentary democracy, although, in its name, they have not stop to wage their protracted anti-communist crusade, and the imperialist wars for for“regime change” in Afghanistan, Iraq, or Libya and Syria. A noteworthy example is found in a report on the Euro zone crisis, published in 28 May 2013, by JP Morgan, the biggest US bank.1 The report remarks that although in some areas “adjustment” made some progress and in other barely has begun, the most problematic area is the political-social one, particularly in Southern Europe because the political changes introduced after the fall of the dictatorships in the region: “The constitutions and political settlements in the southern periphery put in place in the aftermath of the fall of fascism, have a number of features which appear to be unsuited to further integration in the region”.1 In their concluding remarks of the JP Morgan report, the authors, with reference on Greece, Spain, and Portugal, stress again : “ The political systems in the periphery were established in the aftermath of dictatorship, and were defined by that experience. Constitutions tend to show a strong socialist influence[!?] , reflecting the political strength that left wing parties gained after the defeat of fascism. Political systems around the periphery typically display several of the following features: weak executives; weak central states relative to regions; constitutional protection of labor rights; consensus building systems which foster political clientalism; and the right to protest if unwelcome changes are made to the political status quo. The shortcomings of this political legacy have been revealed by the crisis”. 2 It is not a revelation nor a surprise that for JP Morgan and all the banks and capitalists “constitutional protection of labor rights” or “the right to protest” are considered as “shortcomings”, impediments to a resolution of the crisis, and even worst, “Socialist”. Nevertheless, such statements demonstrate their attitude towards the kind of democracy that suits their interests, as well as their anxiety for the immediate future: “ In macro terms, the region would not be able to cope with another three years like the last three”3 The great fear not solely for JP Morgan but for all capitalists is the ever sharpening contradiction: while, from one side, there are not in sight any signs of a real recovery with a fall of mass unemployment, and the social misery spread the last three years to millions of workers and middle class people, particularly in Southern Europe, became politically unsustainable, from the other side, the potential of social resistance to the effects of the crisis and to capitalist policies of social cannibalism imposed by the dictatorship of finance capital, has not yet been destroyed. Essentially, the relationship of forces established after the fall of the dictatorships has not yet overturned, the fighting capacity of the masses is not yet crushed, and last but not least, the political parties that alternated in power after the fall of the dictatorships are completely discredited, unable to manage the crisis. It is in this complex situation that State repression, racism and fascism are emerging as crucial in political terms. They are strengthened and mobilized to resolve the crisis of “governability”( to use Michel Foucault' s term) to save the agonizing social system of capitalist exploitation. Greece is the most advanced and clear example. 4. The Greek case is not an exception. As we have analyze elsewhere4, it is an original combination of the trends of a world process, a peculiar expression of all the contradictions in Europe and internationally; a microcosm showing the bankruptcy not just of a national economy or of the Euro zone /EU project but of capitalism itself in its historical decline, in the aftermath of the implosion of finance globalization. Greece, because of its enormous debts, deficits, and internal structural weaknesses as social economic formation, was the weakest link in the Euro zone that has been broken inaugurating a hell for its people and a nightmare for the EU and global capitalism. The EU and global finance capital intervened to save their own banks overexposed with usury loans to Greece: the misnamed “packages of aid” tied to the infamous “Memorandum” with the Greek government, a draconian program of measures of “austerity”, actually, of social cannibalism, supervised by the troika of the EU/ECB/IMF. Wages, and pensions were repetitively cut, the economy plunged in a depression for 7 years now, one third of the population survives under the line of poverty, unemployment jumped to 27 per cent for the population and 65 per cent for the younger ages of 18-24 years old, health system and education were destroyed. The IMF/EU/ECB program proved to be , in its implementation, an unprecedented social catastrophe. And a total economic failure,as the IMF itself had to publicly admit. The foreign debt, in the post-Memorandum three years, has jumped from 115 per cent of the GDP to... 180 per cent1. It is obviously unsustainable. Fopr this reason the IMF wants to withdraw from the troika, while the EU declares that it will continue its “supervision”, the absolute control of all economic decisions in Greece until the debt/GDP ratio fells to 75 per cent... Greek people was reduced into a nation of deprived treated with outer contempt and arrogance by the “lenders” i.e. the international usurers, the EU and particularly by the German bourgeoisie , the dominant power in Europe. The working class and the popular masses fought., and continues to fight back heroically, despite the betrayal of the entire bourgeois political-parliamentary personnel and the fetters posed by a treacherous trade union bureaucracy. 35 General Strikes took place from 2010, restricted by the bureaucracies, unfortunately, only a 24 or 48 hours action; a vast movement of occupation of the squares, particularly the Occupation by the Indignants of the Syntagma Square in front of the Parliament in 2011, mobilized the popular masses in new ways of participation in struggle; new forms of popular self-organization( Popular Assemblies, social networks of free health services, anti -bureaucratic independent centers of workers struggle etc.|) emerged; mass rallies took sometimes nearly insurrectionist forms as in February 2012. The Papandreou government was overthrown, in November 2011, together with Berlusconi's in Italy, non elected “governments of technocrats” were imposed by the EU in both countries, sustained by parties in parliament that had already lost their mandate. Traditional parliamentary democracy was dying. The Papademos “technocratic” government supported by a coalition of the two main antagonistic parties that governed the country after 1974, the right wing “New Democracy” under Samaras( who had , demagogically, opposed the Memorandum and the troika during the Papandreou PASOK government in 2010-11), and the center left PASOK, joined , for the first time, by the far right, the xenophobic and antisemitic LAOS. The attempt by the EU and local centers of power to keep indefinitely the Papademos government to power until the completion of the program of anti-popular policies tied with the Memorandum failed. Early elections was called, first in May 2012, and, as they have not given any governmental solution, then in June 2012. The shock was enormous: the bipartisan political parliamentary system that ruled the country for four decades was in shambles. The entire political landscape had dramatically changed: New Democracy and PASOK had fallen in unprecedented low levels of support; social polarization and political radicalization had catapulted the small left reformist party of SYRIZA from 4 per cent to nearly 30 per cent, in the position of the Official Opposition, and made possible the entry in Parliament for the first time, of the marginal extra- parliamentary Nazi group “Golden Dawn”. 5. A year and half later, “Golden Dawn”, escalating its murderous attacks against immigrants and leftists, under the protection and collaboration of the State repressive apparatus, making a mockery out of the Parliament, stabilized and even grew its influence occupying the third position in all the polls, after the New Democracy and SYRIZA. The later, while it had energized the people with the expectation of a “government of the Left” that could put an end to the Inferno of the diktats by the EU and the IMF , never had broken from the attachment to the EU and reformism. Now, at the doors of governmental power, it started to become much more conservative, to vacillate, even to be paralyzed between the growing pressures from left and right, from the popular expectations, from the one side, and the demands of the ruling classes of Greece and the EU, from the other. The traditional “orthodox” Stalinist Communist Party of Greece-KKE sees its popular base to shrink dramatically as its isolationist policies combine an ultra-sectarian hostility against SYRIZA,and the people following it, as well as against all the other parties and social movements of the Left, a militant rhetoric and a reformist every day practice. Most of the various organizations of the far left, although very militant, until now, because of their centrist vacillations and dogmatic rigidities, they cannot provide a convincing alternative leadership for the workers-popular movement. At the same time, social conditions are desperate and demanding radical solutions. The Nazi 'Golden Dawn”, as their forerunners in the 1930s, tries to exploit social despair, not unsuccessfully, pretending to be a “radical anti-systemic force”. This is the first but not the only reason of its rise. The old bourgeois parliamentary political system ,and the two main parties that have ruled the country are completely discredited. They are hated for their abysmal corruption; they are considered as criminals and equally responsible for the bankruptcy of |Greece; they are despised for their servile obedience to the troika, and the subsequent disasters for the country as a whole turned into a EU protectorate; they are treated as guilty for all their misery and sufferings. It has to be stressed that it is the same political system, the same parties while in power, assisted by their mass media and the cohorts of their journalists and “organic” liberal pseudo-intellectuals that opened the road, from the 1990s onwards, to the Greek far right. They publicized it, familiarized the people with it, legitimize it for their own political purposes against their opponents, and to advance the common neo-liberal agenda. Before the leap of Golden Dawn to Parliament in June 2012, already the Far Right had given full legitimacy as a partner in a ruling coalition as LAOS was joining the Papadimos government. The Far Right was “de-demonized” by the bourgeois establishment itself. LAOS identified itself with the hated Memorandum policies and was annihilated in the 2012 elections, leaving void a space for the Golden Dawn to occupy, and providing the New Democracy with some of its most known openly fascist and anti-Semite cadres like Makis Voridis,and Adonis Georgiadis to join the new Samaras coalition government as ministers of New Democracy. The far rightist orientation of New Democracy was strengthened by this continuation of the “de-demonization” process of avowed fascists and the consolidation around the new Prime Minister of a leading, influential group of advisers composed by hardline nationalists, anti-communists, anti-Semites, even negationists of the Shoah( Failos Kranidiotis, Chrysanthos Lazarides, T. Baltakos et al.) ready to share power if necessary with a Golden Dawn more “serious” in its behavior,as the secretary of the current Greek government and pro-government journalists had stated publicly, on the eve of murder of Pavlos Fyssas by Storm troopers of Golden Dawn in September 2013. The collaboration of New Democracy with Golden Dawn has a long history, and an even longer prehistory-from the times of the Nazi Occupation of Greece and the civil war in the 1940s. Never was a catharsis of the permanent Greek tragedy: no collaborator of the Nazis during the Occupation was punished; on the contrary, collaborators and anti-communist victors of the civil war ruled the country in the 1950s and in 1960s establishing also the military dictatorship in 1967-74 ; no collaborator of the dictatorship was punished but he or she integrated the new power structures of the re-established parliamentary democracy. The ruling class never overcame its shock and fear from the fact that it experienced the immediate danger to lose power both at the end of the Occupation as well as at the end of the military dictatorship. In 1974 and afterwards the bourgeoisie had to make important economic and political concessions to the working class to defuse a pre-revolutionary crisis but always it kept an arsenal of anti-democratic means and personnel preparing for future confrontations. 7. A critical threshold towards the death agony of that democracy was marked by the historical mass revolt of the Greek youth in December 2008, two months after the collapse of Lehman Brothers- “the first political explosion of the current world economic crisis” as was rightly characterized then by Dominique Strauss -Kahn, head of the IMF at that time. The crisis of power was emerging before the economic bankruptcy becomes public knowledge. From the beginning of 2009, the New Democracy government, the then Minister of Public Order, and the police started openly to collaborate with Golden Dawn gangs, particularly in the Aghios Panteleimonas area of Athens to organize pogroms against the immigrant communities and against the workers movement, the Left ,and the anarchists. The racist pogroms against immigrants, and the witch hunt of leftists and anarchists, together with the formation of new Special Troops of Riot Police, such as the DIAS and DELTA units, were part of a counter-revolutionary strategy to control the civil population in conditions of social upheaval. It was in this context, that it was launched, in May 2009, a legal action by the Golden dawn against all the spectrum of the Left, from SYRIZA and the KKE to ANTARSYA and the EEK, the trade unions, the immigrant communities, anti-racist movements and independent personalities such as the Rector of the National Technical University of Athens accused to allow thew alternative social website to broadcast freely from the space of the campus. After the entry of the Golden Dawn in Parliament in 2012, at the autumn of the same year, the State authorities accepted the lawsuit of the Nazis and started official interrogations of the accused. Finally, in June 2013, only two of the accused, the author of these lines, as general secretary of the Trotskyist Workers Revolutionary Party- EEK, and the Rector of the National Technical University of Athens were called to be judged in trial on the 3rd of September 2013. During all the period of preparation for the trial, in the fascist Press and in the Nazi blogosphere, a wild anti-Semitic campaign was waged against me, because of my Jewish origins, with open murderous threats and calls to “Crash the Jewish vermin”, the “instrument of the world Jewish conspiracy toe establish a Judeo- Bolshevik regime in Greece”!!! In normal conditions of bourgeois democracy, such a lawsuit undoubtedly would finish in the archives and never it could go before the tribunal . Without the complicity of the State authorities , this trial never could take place. For the first time after the defeat of Nazism in 1945, a Jewish left intellectual and activist was brought on trial for his antifascist activities after a lawsuit of Nazis accepted by the authorities of a “democratic State-member of the European Union”. The goal of the legal action was triple: to penalize antifascist discourse and activity in conditions when the far right and the fascists are important allies of the power structures; to legitimize anti-Semitism, the central founding myth of the Nazis but also with deep roots in the State, the Church and in some sections of Greek society; and, last but not at all least, to start the demolition of all political rights won after the collapse of the military dictatorship in Greece in 1974, starting from a small party of the far left and then outlaw the entire Left with false accusations. In other words, the goal was to promote the reversal of the political relationship of forces established in Greece after the collapse of the junta of the CIA colonels -as it is the central political aim posed in the above mentioned JP Morgan report... Thanks to a tremendous international and national antifascist mobilization for solidarity, the architects of this fraud failed. The accused were declared by the Judge as 'Not guilty”. It was the first legal defeat of the Golden Dawn after its entry in the Greek parliament. But it was only an important but not final moment, only a victorious battle in an ongoing war with the darkest forces of bourgeois reaction. 8. Immediately after the trial of September 3-4. 2013, the Golden Dawn, assisted and protected by the special police forces ( it is well known that in their majority they have voted for the Nazi party in 2012), escalated attacks and provocations against the EEK( “the party of the dirty Jew” as they call it) but also against all the Left, destroying local offices of left organizations, launching a murderous attack by a group of Nazi stormtroopers against the KKE in Perama, and murdering Pavlos Fyssas in Keratsini. It was this last crime that had provoked such a torrent of popular anger and indignation, both at home and abroad, that the Samaras government had to act with a crackdown against the Golden Dawn arresting some of its leaders, deputies and stormtroopers, and cutting State funding for it as parliamentary party. But who is naif enough to believe that the threat of fascism disappeared because a few fascist were put in prison temporarily by their protectors, while all the social economic conditions and political factors feeding fascism are still there? The social economic situation not only does not stop deteriorating but already has taken the dimensions of a vast humanitarian crisis. The discredited ruling parties and government cannot re-establish any kind of economic or political stabilization or even manage the crisis. Growing State authoritarianism, a permanent State of Emergency, use of extra-institutional violence by paramilitary units and fascist gangs are not at all sufficient to feed or to give shelter or minimum health services to an entire people in extreme need. There is no solution within a bankrupt capitalist system, which is falling apart threatening to bury everybody under its ruins. Fascism itself is the violent expression of its disintegration into barbarism. It has to be fought by a United Front of all the organizations and forces of the workers' and popular movement; by the formation of forms of popular self-organization and social solidarity against despair an fascist demagogy; by organizing workers and popular self-defense against the stormtroopers of fascism and State repression. Fascism in its senile age, 70 years after its defeat in Stalingrad, is a horrendous a parody of its youth. It can and should be smashed by the anti-fascist working class supported by all the oppressed. But above all we have to realize the urgent necessity to organize the mass struggle for a socialist way out from the crisis of the collapsing system, for workers power and re-organization of the economy on new social bases according to social needs and not according to the profits of a small greedy minority. The present of Greece shows the future of all Europe, and of all capitalist world. It is the sharp manifestation of a global systemic crisis that demands a global solution. The imperialist European Union became a prison of the peoples. The peoples of Europe, West and east, North and South have to break the chains and unify the Continent in a United Socialist States of Europe. A slogan raised in one among the thousands protest demonstrations in Greece says: “Let us take back our stolen lives”. In other words, we have to expropriate the expropriators of our lives- to complete the unfinished world historical task, which was inaugurated by the Great 1917 October Socialist Revolution! Г.Р. Нурымбетова Казахский национальный педагогический университет им. Абая, Алматы, Республика Казахстан, gulshat_nurymbet@mail.ru |
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